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本题由lindy提供

Ethnohistoric documents from sixteenth-century Mexico suggesting that weaving and cooking were the most common productive activities for Aztec women may

lead modern historians to underestimate the value of women's contributions to Aztec society. Since weaving and cooking occurred mostly (but not entirely) in a domestic setting, modern historians are likely to apply to the Aztec culture the modern Western distinction between "private" and "public" production. Thus, the ethnohistoric record conspires with Western culture to foster the view that women's production was not central to the demographic, economic, and political structures in sixteenth-century Mexico.

A closer examination of Aztec culture indicates that treating Aztec women's production in Mexico in such a manner would be a mistake. Even if the products of women's labor did not circulate beyond the household, such products were essential to population growth. Researchers document a tenfold increase in the population of the valley of Mexico during the previous four centuries, an increase that was crucial to the developing Aztec political economy. Population growth--which could not have occurred in the absence of successful household economy, in which women's work was essential--made possible the large-scale development of labor-intensive chinampa (ridged-field) agriculture in the southern valley of Mexico which, in turn, supported urbanization and political centralization in the Aztec capital.

But the products of women's labor did in fact circulate beyond the household. Aztec women wove cloth, and cloth circulated through the market system, the tribute system, and the redistributive economy of the palaces. Cotton mantles served as a unit of currency in the regional market system. Quantities of woven mantles, loincloths, blouses, and skirts were paid as tribute to local lords and to imperial tax stewards and were distributed to ritual and administrative personnel, craft specialists, warriors, and other faithful servants of the state. In addition, woven articles of clothing served as markers of social status and clothing fulfilled a symbolic function in political negotiation. The cloth that was the product of women's work thus was crucial as a primary means of organizing the flow of goods and services that sustained the Aztec state.

The author of the passage would be most likely to

agree with which of the following statements about the documents mentioned in the first sentence of the passage?


    (A) They contain misleading information about the kinds of productive activities Aztec women engaged in.

    (B) They overlook certain crucial activities performed by women in Aztec society.

    (C) They provide useful information about the way that Aztec society viewed women.

    (D) They are of limited value because they were heavily influenced by the bias of those who recorded them.

    (E) They contain information that is likely to be misinterpreted by modern-day readers. 


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答案:
E
(A)他们对于
阿兹特克女性从事的生产活动存在误导信息。这个选项较易错选。定位文章的第一句话,其意思是“人种史学档案中说的纺织和烹饪是阿兹特克女人的最一般的生产活动可能会让现代的史学家看扁阿兹特克女性对社会的贡献”。作者的意思是这些信息会让现代的历史学家产生错误。并不是其信息本身含有什么错误,或有什么误导信息。 (B)他们忽略了某几个阿兹特克女性在阿兹特克社会中重要的活动。从作者行文来看,下文肯定了阿兹特克女性的这两个主要的生产活动,只是现代的历史学家对这两个生产活动的理解不到位。并不是第一段所指的档案忽略了什么。 (C)他们提供了阿兹特克人对于女性的观点的有用信息。文中没有提到阿兹特克人对其女性的观点。更不用说第一句话提到的档案了。 (D)他们价值有限因为被记录者的偏见影响很深。文中没有提到16世纪墨西哥人这个档案有什么他人的偏见因素在其中。 (E)Correct. 他们所含有的信息有可能被现代的读者说误解。定位在“may lead modern historians to underestimate the value of women's contributions”,几乎是原文的直译,那些信息可能会让别人误解,而非是信息本身的问题。

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